March 10^th was Uprising Day. (pictures from the march around Dharamsala available in the gallery) There was a large crowd gathered in front of His Holiness’s residence by 7:00 am. Security was extensive. There were two separates lines – one for foreigners and one for non-foreigners. Essentially…everyone who looked like they weren’t Tibetan had to go to the foreigner line. There were metal detectors set up and several security guards to pat people down and make sure no one was carrying in weapons, cameras, or phones. People with press passes were allowed to bring in (video) cameras. I was able to sneak in my camera phone (photos available in gallery – though I wasn’t able to get anything fantastic). The Dalai Lama gave his most aggressive speech concerning Chinese occupation to date. Here it is:

Today is the fiftieth anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising against Communist China’s repression in Tibet. Since last March widespread peaceful protests have erupted across the whole of Tibet. Most of the participants were youths born and brought up after 1959, who have not seen or experienced a free Tibet. However, the fact that they were driven by a firm conviction to serve the cause of Tibet that has continued from generation to generation is indeed a matter of pride. It will serve as a source of inspiration for those in the international community who take keen interest in the issue of Tibet. We pay tribute and offer our prayers for all those who died, were tortured and suffered tremendous hardships, including during the crisis last year, for the cause of Tibet since our struggle began.

Around 1949, Communist forces began to enter north-eastern and eastern Tibet (Kham and Amdo) and by 1950, more than 5000 Tibetan soldiers had been killed. Taking the prevailing situation into account, the Chinese government chose a policy of peaceful liberation, which in 1951 led to the signing of the 17-point Agreement and its annexure. Since then, Tibet has come under the control of the People’s Republic of China. However, the Agreement clearly mentions that Tibet’s distinct religion, culture and traditional values would be protected.

Between 1954 and 1955, I met with most of the senior Chinese leaders in the Communist Party, government and military, led by Chairman Mao Zedong, in Beijing. When we discussed ways of achieving the social and economic development of Tibet, as well as maintaining Tibet’s religious and cultural heritage, Mao Zedong and all the other leaders agreed to establish a preparatory committee to pave the way for the implementation of the autonomous region, as stipulated in the Agreement, rather than establishing a military administrative commission. From about 1956 onwards, however, the situation took a turn for the worse with the imposition of ultra-leftist policies in Tibet. Consequently, the assurances given by higher authorities were not implemented on the ground. The forceful implementation of the so-called “democratic” reforms in the Kham and Amdo regions of Tibet, which did not accord with prevailing conditions, resulted in immense chaos and destruction. In Central Tibet, Chinese officials forcibly and deliberately violated the terms of the 17-point Agreement, and their heavy-handed tactics increased day by day. These desperate developments left the Tibetan people with no alternative but to launch a peaceful uprising on 10 March 1959. The Chinese authorities responded with unprecedented force that led to the killing, arrests and imprisonment of tens of thousands of Tibetans in the following months. Consequently, accompanied by a small party of Tibetan government officials including some Kalons (Cabinet Ministers), I escaped into exile in India. Thereafter, nearly a hundred thousand Tibetans fled into exile in India, Nepal and Bhutan. During the escape and the months that followed they faced unimaginable hardship, which is still fresh in Tibetan memory.

Having occupied Tibet, the Chinese Communist government carried out a series of repressive and violent campaigns that have included “democratic” reform, class struggle, communes, the Cultural Revolution, the imposition of martial law, and more recently the patriotic re-education and the strike hard campaigns. These thrust Tibetans into such depths of suffering and hardship that they literally experienced hell on earth. The immediate result of these campaigns was the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Tibetans.  The lineage of the Buddha Dharma was severed. Thousands of religious and cultural centres such as monasteries, nunneries and temples were razed to the ground. Historical buildings and monuments were demolished. Natural resources have been indiscriminately exploited. Today, Tibet’s fragile environment has been polluted, massive deforestation has been carried out and wildlife, such as wild yaks and Tibetan antelopes, are being driven to extinction.

These 50 years have brought untold suffering and destruction to the land and people of Tibet. Even today, Tibetans in Tibet live in constant fear and the Chinese authorities remain constantly suspicious of them. Today, the religion, culture, language and identity, which successive generations of Tibetans have considered more precious than their lives, are nearing extinction; in short, the Tibetan people are regarded like criminals deserving to be put to death. The Tibetan people's tragedy was set out in the late Panchen Rinpoche's 70,000-character petition to the Chinese government in 1962. He raised it again in his speech in Shigatse in 1989 shortly before he died, when he said that what we have lost under Chinese communist rule far outweighs what we have gained. Many concerned and unbiased Tibetans have also spoken out about the hardships faced by the Tibetan people. Even Hu Yaobang, the Communist Party Secretary, when he arrived in Lhasa in 1980, clearly acknowledged these mistakes and asked the Tibetans for their forgiveness. Many infrastructural developments such as roads, airports, railways, and so forth, which seem to have brought progress to Tibetan areas, were really done with the political objective of sinicising Tibet at the huge cost of devastating the Tibetan environment and way of life.

As for the Tibetan refugees, although we initially faced many problems such as great differences of climate and language and difficulties earning our livelihood, we have been successful in re-establishing ourselves in exile. Due to the great generosity of our host countries, especially India, Tibetans have been able to live in freedom without fear. We have been able to earn a livelihood and uphold our religion and culture.  We have been able to provide our children with both traditional and modern education, as well as engaging in efforts to resolve the Tibet issue. There have been other positive results too. Greater understanding of Tibetan Buddhism with its emphasis on compassion has made a positive contribution in many parts of the world.

Immediately after our arrival in exile we began to work on the promotion of democracy in the Tibetan community with the establishment of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile in 1960. Since then, we have taken gradual steps on the path to democracy and today our exile administration has evolved into a fully functioning democracy with a written charter of its own and a legislative body. This is indeed something we can all be proud of.

Since 2001, we have instituted a system by which the political leadership of Tibetan exiles is directly elected through procedures similar to those in other democratic systems. Currently, the directly-elected Kalon Tripa's (Cabinet Chairperson) second term is underway.Consequently, my daily administrative responsibilities have reduced and today I am in a state of semi-retirement. However, to work for the just cause of Tibet is the responsibility of every Tibetan, and I will uphold this responsibility.

As a human being my main commitment is in the promotion of human values; this is what I consider the key factor for a happy life at the individual level, family level and community level. As a religious practitioner, my second commitment is the promotion of inter-religious harmony. My third commitment is of course the issue of Tibet due to my being a Tibetan with the name of the ‘Dalai Lama’, but more importantly it is due to the trust that Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet have placed in me. These are the three important commitments, which I always keep in mind.

In addition to looking after the well being of the exiled Tibetan community, which they have done quite well, the principal task of the Central Tibetan Administration has been to work towards the resolution of the issue of Tibet. Having laid out the mutually beneficial Middle-Way policy in 1974, we were ready to respond to Deng Xiaoping when he proposed talks in 1979. Many talks were conducted and fact-finding delegations dispatched. These, however, did not bear any concrete results and formal contacts eventually broke off in 1993.

Subsequently, in 1996-97, we conducted an opinion poll of the Tibetans in exile, and collected suggestions from Tibet wherever possible, on a proposed referendum, by which the Tibetan people were to determine the future course of our freedom struggle to their full satisfaction. Based on the outcome of the poll and the suggestions from Tibet, we decided to continue the policy of the Middle-Way.

Since the re-establishment of contacts in 2002, we have followed a policy of one official channel and one agenda and have held eight rounds of talks with the Chinese authorities. As a consequence, we presented a Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People, explaining how the conditions for national regional autonomy as set forth in the Chinese constitution would be met by the full implementation of its laws on autonomy. The Chinese insistence that we accept Tibet as having been a part of China since ancient times is not only inaccurate but also unreasonable. We cannot change the past no matter whether it was good or bad. Distorting history for political purposes is incorrect.

We need to look to the future and work for our mutual benefit. We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable Tibetans to live within the framework of the People’s Republic of China. Fulfilling the aspirations of the Tibetan people will enable China to achieve stability and unity. From our side, we are not making any demands based on history. Looking back at history, there is no country in the world today, including China, whose territorial status has remained forever unchanged, nor can it remain unchanged.

Our aspiration that all Tibetans be brought under a single autonomous administration is in keeping with the very objective of the principle of national regional autonomy. It also fulfils the fundamental requirements of the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. The Chinese constitution and other related laws and regulations do not pose any obstacle to this and many leaders of the Chinese Central Government have accepted this genuine aspiration. When signing the 17-point Agreement, Premier Zhou Enlai acknowledged it as a reasonable demand. In 1956, when establishing the Preparatory Committee for the “Tibet Autonomous Region”, Vice-Premier Chen Yi pointing at a map said, if Lhasa could be made the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region, which included the Tibetan areas within the other provinces, it would contribute to the development of Tibet and friendship between the Tibetan and Chinese nationalities, a view shared by the late Panchen Rinpoche and many educated Tibetans, cadres among them. If Chinese leaders had any objections to our proposals, they could have provided reasons for them and suggested alternatives for our consideration, but they did not. I am disappointed that the Chinese authorities have not responded appropriately to our sincere efforts to implement the principle of meaningful national regional autonomy for all Tibetans, as set forth in the constitution of the People’s Republic of China.

Quite apart from the current process of Sino-Tibetan dialogue having achieved no concrete results, there has been a brutal crackdown on the Tibetan protests that have shaken the whole of Tibet since March last year. Therefore, in order to solicit public opinion as to what future course of action we should take, the Special Meeting of Tibetan exiles was convened in November 2008. Efforts were made to collect suggestions, as far as possible, from the Tibetans in Tibet as well. The outcome of this whole process was that a majority of Tibetans strongly supported the continuation of the Middle-Way policy. Therefore, we are now pursuing this policy with greater confidence and will continue our efforts towards achieving a meaningful national regional autonomy for all Tibetans.

From time immemorial, the Tibetan and Chinese peoples have been neighbours. In future too, we will have to live together. Therefore, it is most important for us to co-exist in friendship with each other.

Since the occupation of Tibet, Communist China has been publishing distorted propaganda about Tibet and its people. Consequently, there are, among the Chinese populace, not many who have a true understanding about Tibet. It is, in fact, very difficult for them to find the truth. There are also ultra-leftist Chinese leaders who have, since last March, been undertaking a huge propaganda effort with the intention of setting the Tibetan and Chinese peoples apart and creating animosity between them. Sadly, as a result, a negative impression of Tibetans has arisen in the minds of some of our Chinese brothers and sisters. Therefore, as I have repeatedly appealed before, I would like once again to urge our Chinese brothers and sisters not to be swayed by such propaganda, but, instead, to try to discover the facts about Tibet impartially, so as to prevent divisions among us. Tibetans should also continue to work for friendship with the Chinese people.

Looking back on 50 years in exile, we have witnessed many ups and downs. However, the fact that the Tibet issue is alive and the international community is taking growing interest in it is indeed an achievement. Seen from this perspective, I have no doubt that the justice of Tibet's cause will prevail, if we continue to tread the path of truth and non-violence.

As we commemorate 50 years in exile, it is most important that we express our deep gratitude to the governments and peoples of the various host countries in which we live. Not only do we abide by the laws of these host countries, but we also conduct ourselves in a way that we become an asset to these countries. Similarly, in our efforts to realise the cause of Tibet and uphold its religion and culture, we should craft our future vision and strategy by learning from our past experience.

I always say that we should hope for the best, and prepare for the worst. Whether we look at it from the global perspective or in the context of events in China, there are reasons for us to hope for a quick resolution of the issue of Tibet. However, we must also prepare ourselves well in case the Tibetan struggle goes on for a long time. For this, we must focus primarily on the education of our children and the nurturing of professionals in various fields. We should also raise awareness about the environment and health, and improve understanding and practice of non-violent methods among the general Tibetan population.

I would like to take this opportunity to express my heartfelt gratitude to the leaders and people of India, as well as its Central and State Governments, who despite whatever problems and obstacles they face, have provided invaluable support and assistance over the past 50 years to Tibetans in exile. Their kindness and generosity are immeasurable. I would also like to express my gratitude to the leaders, governments and peoples of the international community, as well as the various Tibet Support Groups, for their unstinting support.

May all sentient beings live in peace and happiness!

The speech was very well received by everyone at the event. However, there was a slight frustration among a number of Tibetans when many Westerners stood up to see the Dalai Lama exit. Tibetans shouted, “Mar-ray”, which means “sit down” in Tibetan. It was actually a bit funny to see the different cultures clash in front of the Dalai Lama.

As soon as I left the temple to get my camera from the hotel that my professor stored it in for safekeeping I was blocked by a massive crowd of people shouting phrases like, “Shame on China,” and “Long live the Dalai Lama.” This was the beginning of the march that would walk down the mountain to lower Dharamsala – approximately a two mile walk. I joined a select group of others in shoving our way through the crowd to get to where we needed to go. I finally made it to a clearing where I was able to make a mad dash for my camera.

By the time I grabbed my camera and made it back down to the temple – there was no one in sight. I started running down the mountain to catch up with the march. Soon enough I found everyone continuing to shout and hold up Tibetan flags.

There were a significant number of Westerners who participated in the march. A few of us seemed to share similar sentiments about shouting some of the phrases – such as “Tibet is our country.” We support the Tibetan cause, but it’s only our fight to a certain degree. I don’t mean to speak for all Western supporters of Tibet, but I personally feel like there are boundaries that we should consider when supporting the Tibetan cause. I am clearly not Tibetan; I just support the idea of a Free Tibet. I think it’s important to not lose sight of the fact that this fight belongs to Tibetans. We can help…but I think there is a dangerous line of personally identifying with the Tibetan cause that I think is inappropriate to cross. For a loose example…one Saturday night – there was a folk singer playing a small show within audible distance from my home stay. She was singing the lyrics, “Free Tibet. Liberate me now.” Certainly, her heart is in the right place. However…from whom does she need liberating? Firstly, the Dalai Lama insists that we are the only people who can liberate ourselves. There can be no “liberating” someone else – at least not through a Buddhist perspective. Secondly, she was singing this song quite loudly in a highly residential area. I bet if she were trying to fall asleep early in order to wake up for 5 am prayers at the temple…she might be wishing someone would liberate her from the music that was preventing her from falling asleep. (of course, maybe the Tibetan Buddhists are a bit more forgiving)

The march ended in lower Dharamsala – where a number of Tibetan activists and leaders gave speeches. A large number of students from Tibetan Children’s Village (TCV) were present at the march and in their uniform. This was a school day. I think the fact that the students were encouraged by the school to attend the march shows how pervasive the cause for Tibetan freedom is in Tibetan culture. Everyone in the Tibetan community seems to identify with this cause. I think it can be hard for some Westerners to relate to the scale of this shared vision. This didn’t feel or look like any other protest. In the U.S. – students do not usually get out school so they can march in support of some cause – like preventing A.I.D.S., finding a cure for Cancer, or for freeing Tibet. To some extent…this didn’t feel like a protest. It was so much more. This “cause” for Tibetan freedom has become more than something one supports…it has seemingly become a staple of Tibetan identity.

The host family I live with is incredible. The family consists of a mother, father, and three brothers – ages 16, 17, and 18. There is another son who is 24, but he lives quite far away. I’ve never met him. It seems as though the family does not contact him very often. In fact, I’ve only heard him mentioned once. I’m not sure what the deal is with that.

The family actually seems like a traditional American family. They watch A LOT of television. It’s literally on all the time when I’m with the family. I’m not sure if they turn it off when I leave or not. They also have a black dog named Max. This is bittersweet for me since I have a black dog back home named Max. It’s great to spend time with their dog, but it reminds me of missing my own dog.

The family sleeps and lives upstairs. I have a room downstairs. I eat all my meals with the family except when I eat lunch with our class during the weekdays. Every meal consists of at least two large plates of rice. It usually comes with a side of paneer, vegetables, or dhal. Last night I had liver. I didn’t know what it was until one of the sons told me. I was excited to see meat on my plate, but then of course immediately thought that the beef tasted quite strange. I didn’t say anything because I wanted to be polite, but I have to admit that it tasted even worse after I knew what it was. It’s impossible to tell the mother that I don’t like something. She’s so endearing. It’s also very difficult to tell her I’m full. She piles my plate four inches high with rice. Before I even finish – after making a slight dent…she asks, “Little bit more?” with a hopeful smile. I can’t deny her hospitality. So I eat another gallon of rice – (enough to convince her that I actually am full)…and say, “shimbo dew,” which means “delicious” in Tibetan. She smiles and lets me stop eating.

The father loves to watch wrestling. Not collegiate wrestling – the kind of wrestling that involves somewhat detailed characters and plotlines. I’m not interested in watching it, but watching the father watch it is quite amusing to me. I never would have thought that this Tibetan Buddhist who wakes up early every morning for prayers and tries to explain Buddhist concepts and literature to me on a regular basis would be interested in such a violent and rather simple show. My assumptions have been quickly thrown out the door…and slammed with a steel chair from the audience.

The boys are also very interested in fighting, but are more fascinated with technical martial arts forms. They consistently debate on whether or not Bruce Lee would win a fight against Jackie Chan or Jet Li. Bruce always wins. I asked them about whether or not Chuck Norris would beat Bruce Lee. They don’t know who Chuck Norris is, but concluded that Bruce Lee would win. I agree, but the Texan in me is still a bit skeptical.

A couple of nights ago the cable went out. It was very funny to see how quickly the family dynamic changed. The mother constantly commented on how silent it was without the television, which made the silence much more awkward, but still amusing. They complained about how they pay the cable man every month but when they call with a problem he never comes in a timely manner. This Tibetan Buddhist family who lives half a world away from my family sounds exactly like my grandma.

There is a gym pretty close by to where the family lives. It’s very small, but it only costs 150 rupees a month, which is $3.00 U.S. – so I’m not complaining one bit. Of course…the equipment is very rusty…and some of it doesn’t function the way it should – making a lot of the exercises a bit dangerous. But beggars can’t be choosers – I’m just so grateful to have weights to lift. Of course…these weights are in kg and not in lbs…so it’s a bit difficult to measure how much weight I’m actually lifting sometimes…but I don’t care. I’m starting to love this place. (pictures of the gym available in gallery).

I love living with the family so much that I’m thinking about trying to work out a situation so I can live with them during the independent research section of the program. I will be doing my research here in Mcleoud Ganj on what the CTA’s vision for an autonomous Tibet actually looks like and how such a vision would be pragmatically carried out to function effectively. We’re given a stipend to so we can find lodging on our own, but I think it would be good to extend my stay with the family.

Also...three of us discovered that Mcleoud has a rather organized dog society that becomes very obvious around 10 or 11 pm. Three of us were hanging out on the roof of one of one of our home stay family’s house. It was around 10:30 pm and we were just talking. Then…almost instantly…we saw a large number of dogs start walking the streets. One dog walked by a small house, sat, and waited. Then a few minutes later another dog came out of the house and two walked down the street together. It was as if this was routine…or as if the first dog had signaled to the second dog that it was time to hit up the town.

Two rather large dogs walked by where we were sitting. They looked up at us from the street and then walked up the stairs. We were a bit nervous because we heard the dogs can become much more aggressive at night – and of course some of the dogs are rabid. The dogs came up to the roof…sniffed a bit…and laid down. They were completely silent. We continued to shoot the breeze and entertain our fantasies about this dog society for about half an hour. When we got up to leave…the two dogs followed us down. Then they walked over to another dog and appeared to have a brief conversation. Then one of the dogs approached us. It felt a bit awkward…as if we had just been caught trying to eavesdrop on their conversation, which we were completely guilty of doing. I suppose the dog forgave us. He escorted us out of what must have been their particular dog gang territory. We all went in separate directions after the dog left us to our own. We have plans to go back and visit that very protective, amiable pack soon.

On a side note…this is the longest I’ve gone in about 8 years without playing guitar or going surfing. Homesickness is showing its beastly head.

“We didn’t choose our exile. I’d rather be born in Tibet and live there.” – this is one of the first statements he said to us. He went on to say that…

The current generation has a stronger bond with the Dalai Lama because his increased visibility makes younger generations feel more comfortable than past generations in his presence. Because of this the younger generations feels more comfortable disagreeing with him. I believe he is Bodhisattva, but Bodhisattva is not a good foreign policy. Ideally it would be, if countries were friendlier with each other.

He sacrificed a six-month trip to Tibet that he had planning for a number of years in order to protest the Olympic torch going through the Everest camp. He went on to say, “Tibet will be free in my lifetime.”

Tibet is a faith-based culture. “There is not a lot of effort put toward thinking rationally. Some support the middle way because it’s the strategy of HH. Other support it because they believe independence is not possible. Some support the middle way and then join a protest for an independent Tibet.

Autonomy is a complex arrangement between oppressor and the oppressed. The nature of autonomy is you must negotiation with your oppressor. The same thing happened in 1951. China abused the 17-point agreement. It did not honor the negotiation. The middle way is based on trusting someone who has already betrayed you many time. The strategy should be to raise the cost for the Chinese staying in Tibet so it will become too expensive for them to continue to stay. And we should make them lose face).

Q: The Tibet cause is quite sheik in America. What should Americans actually do to support Tibet?

A: “Nothing lasts in America for very long – supporting Tibet was sheik in the 90’s, stopped in 2001 or 2002. People who joined the cause during those years are in it for the long haul. The difference between American public support and American Governmnet support for Tibet is that the U.S. Government has done relatively a lot, which is sad because it’s still not much. However, according to a CNN poll, over 80% of Americans believes that should be free. The U.S. mostly funds Tibetan groups. For example, it gives about 15 Fulbright scholarships. They awarded the peace prize to HH. Many people say its peanuts and not all that effective. Many Tibetans fly the U.S. flag in Tibet because 1) it’s illegal to fly the Tibetan flag. To them the U.S. flag represents freedom. 2) People believe Congress really supports Tibet (possibly because China Government is a ribber stamp so they believe U.S. Government always supports Congress. 3) It pisses Chinese off became many Chinese do not like the U.S. Government.”

Q: What are the methods you would use to carry out your strategy of making Chinese occupation in Tibet too costly?

A: “’Strategy’ has been missing from Tibetan discourse. Faith is the main driving force. They think…if you keep walking in the dark, you’ll get somewhere. Grandy strategy is to make the cost of occupying Tibet too expensive relative to the benefit the Chinese get from occupation. Tactics include: social pressure, economic pressure and political pressure. Within a year we will publish a document that explains tactics/strategy well. No Losar movement threw Chinese off. They tried to force Tibetans to look happy for the world. Often non-violence towards celebrating culture. Not celebrating the culture confused the system. “

Q: What will be the role of technology in your efforts?

A: “Major developments include mobiles and computers. Older Tibetans used to think technology would distract from Dharma pursuits. Technology may be our savior. It definitely changed the landscape of the movement. We spend 17/18 hours online a day. But in the struggle – it’s making a huge difference. ‘Voice of America’ and ‘Radio Free Asia’ are the best U.S. contributors. Mountain dwellers are often the more informed than people in live in urban areas because they sit and listen to the radio all day.

On Buddhism…

“People talk about Karma when they feel totally helpless – when it seems there is nothing to do. With regard to Buddhism…there are so many things that are good and so many things that are useless. But it’s important to remember…no effort in this world is wasted.”